Information and links about savings
A New Paradigm for Microfinance: Savings and Credit | While they are no magic wand and really only work as part of a holistic approach, there is enormous potential for international development organizations to help communities help themselves through savings and credit groups.
Karlan et al 2016
D. Karlan, R. Mann, J. Kendall, R. Pande, T. Suri, and J. Zinman. Making microfinance more effective. Harvard Business Review, pages 2–6, 2016.
- which financial tools provide durable buffers against such setbacks.
- Traditional microcredit hasn’t lived up to expectations, but we are learning how to improve it.
- Savings accounts are effective safety nets—especially if they apply insights from behavioral sciences.
- Insurance is highly valuable to protect against shocks but is difficult to scale.
- Digital financial services let people help each other.
Bachas et al 2021
P. Bachas, P. Gertler, S. Higgins, and E. Seira. How debit cards enable the poor to save more. The Journal of Finance, 76(4):1913–1957, 2021.
Abstract
We study an at-scale natural experiment in which debit cards were given to cash transfer recipients who already had a bank account. Using administrative account data and household surveys, we find that beneficiaries accumulated a savings stock equal to 2% of annual income after two years with the card. The increase in formal savings represents an increase in overall savings, financed by a reduction in current consumption. There are two mechanisms. First, debit cards reduce transaction costs of accessing money. Second, they reduce monitoring costs, which led beneficiaries to check their account balances frequently and build trust in the bank.A remarkably large number of households do not have sufficient savings to cope with relatively small shocks.
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Some hypothesize that this is due to a lack of access to low-cost, convenient savings devices at formal financial institutions (Karlan, Ratan, and Zinman (2014)).
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When households do have access to financial institutions, they experience a number of well-documented causal impacts, including increased entrepreneurial investment, wealth accumulation, and ability to cope with shocks (Bruhn and Love (2014), Célérier and Matray (2019), Stein and Yannelis (2020)).
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Nevertheless, take-up and active use of bank accounts “remain puzzlingly low” (Karlan et al. (2016, p. 2)), even when accounts are offered without fees (Dupas et al. (2018)).
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In fact, 40% of adults worldwide do not have a formal bank or mobile money account (Demirgüç-Kunt et al. (2018)).
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Similarly, cash transfer recipients paid through direct deposit into bank accounts generally withdraw the entire transfer amount in one lump sum each pay period (Muralidharan, Niehaus, and Sukhtankar (2016)).
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a lack of trust in banks to not “steal” their savings—often through hidden and unexpected fees—is frequently listed as a primary reason the poor are hesitant to use banks (Dupas et al. (2016), FDIC (2016))
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Our main contribution to the literature is to show that a nationwide, at - scale rollout of a low - cost financial technology caused a large and significant increase in the number of active account users in terms of both number of withdrawals and savings.
Two other studies that also find a large effect on savings are Suri and Jack (2016)1, who study the impact of mobile money, and Callen et al. (2019)2, who study the impact of weekly home visits by a deposit collector equipped with a POS terminal. Like debit cards, these technologies both reduce transaction costs and enable clients to more easily monitor account balances. -
Our second contribution is to show that the savings effect came — at least in part — from an increase in total savings achieved by reducing current consumption, rather than a substitution from other forms of saving.
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Our third contribution is to directly investigate two barriers to saving: indirect transaction costs and distrust.
Misc papers
From this link
Ashraf, Nava, Diego Aycinena, Claudia Martínez, and Dean Yang, 2015, Savings in transnational households: A field experiment among migrants from El Salvador, Review of Economics and Statistics 97, 332–351.
Abstract
We implemented a randomized field experiment that tested ways to stimulate migrants’ savings in their origin country. We find that migrants value opportunities to exert greater control over financial activities in their home countries. We offered U.S.-based migrants bank accounts in El Salvador, randomly varying migrant control over El Salvador–based savings by offering different accounts across treatments. Migrants offered the greatest degree of control accumulated the most savings. Impacts likely represent increases in total savings; there is no evidence that savings increases were simply reallocated from other savings mechanisms. Enhanced control over home country savings does not affect remittances sent home.Randomized field experiment that tested ways to stimulate migrants’ savings in their origin country. Migrants value opportunities to exert greater control over financial activities in their home countries.
Ashraf, Nava, Dean Karlan, and Wesley Yin, 2006, Deposit collectors, Advances in Economic Analysis & Policy 6, 635–672.
Abstract
Informal lending and savings institutions exist around the world, and often include regular door-to-door deposit collection of cash. Some banks have adopted similar services in order to expand access to banking services in areas that lack physical branches. Using a randomized control trial, we investigate determinants of participation in a deposit collection service and evaluate the impact of offering the service for micro-savers of a rural bank in the Philippines. Of 137 individuals offered the service in the treatment group, 38 agreed to sign agreed to sign-up, and 20 regularly used the service. Take-up is predicted by distance to the bank (a measure of transaction costs of depositing without the service) as well as being married (a suggestion that household bargaining issues are important). Those offered the service saved 188 pesos more (which equates to about a 25% increase in savings stock) and were slightly less likely to borrow from the bank.Randomized control trial, the paper investigates the determinants of participation in a deposit collection service and evaluate the impact of offering the service for micro-savers of a rural bank in the Philippines. Take-up is predicted by distance to the bank (a measure of transaction costs of depositing without the service) as well as being married (a suggestion that household bargaining issues are important). Those offered the service saved 188 pesos more (which equates to about a 25% increase in savings stock) and were slightly less likely to borrow from the bank.
E. Breza and A. G. Chandrasekhar. Social networks, reputation, and commitment: evidence from a savings monitors experiment. Econometrica, 87(1):175–216, 2019.
Abstract
We conduct an experiment to study whether individuals save more when information about the progress toward their self-set savings goal is shared with another village member (a “monitor”). We develop a reputational framework to explore how a monitor's effectiveness depends on her network position. Savers who care about whether others perceive them as responsible should save more with central monitors, who more widely disseminate information, and proximate monitors, who pass information to individuals with whom the saver interacts frequently. We randomly assign monitors to savers and find that monitors on average increase savings by 36%. Consistent with the framework, more central and proximate monitors lead to larger increases in savings. Moreover, information flows through the network, with 63% of monitors telling others about the saver's progress. Fifteen months after the conclusion of the experiment, other villagers have updated their beliefs about the saver's responsibility in response to the intervention.Do individuals save more when information about their progress towards their saving target is shared with the monitor (member of village ). We randomly assign monitors to savers and find that monitors on average increase savings by 36%. More central and proximate monitors lead to larger increases in savings. Information flows through the network, with 63% of monitors telling others about the saver’s progress. 15 months after the experiment ended, villagers have updated their beliefs about the saver’s responsibility in response to the intervention.
Carroll, Christopher D. “Buffer-stock saving and the life cycle/permanent income hypothesis.” The Quarterly journal of economics 112.1 (1997): 1-55.
Abstract
This paper argues that the typical household's saving is better described by a ‘buffer-stock’ version than by the traditional version of the Life Cycle/Permanent Income Hypothesis (LC/PIH) model. Buffer-stock behavior emerges if consumers with important income uncertainty are sufficiently impatient. In the traditional model, consumption growth is determined solely by tastes. In contrast, bufferstock consumers set average consumption growth equal to average labor income growth, regardless of tastes. The model can explain three empirical puzzles: the ‘consumption/income parallel’ documented by Carroll and Summers; the ‘consumption/income divergence’ first documented in the 1930s; and the stability of the household age/wealth profile over time despite the unpredictability of idiosyncratic wealth changes.bufferstock consumers set average consumption growth equal to average labor income growth, regardless of tastes.
Célerier, Claire, and Adrien Matray. “Bank-branch supply, financial inclusion, and wealth accumulation.” The Review of Financial Studies 32.12 (2019): 4767-4809.
Abstract
This paper studies how financial inclusion affects wealth accumulation. Exploiting the U.S. interstate branching deregulation between 1994 and 2005, we find that an exogenous expansion of bank branches increases low-income household financial inclusion. We then show that financial inclusion fosters household wealth accumulation. Relative to their unbanked counterparts, banked households accumulate assets in interest-bearing accounts, invest more in durable assets, such as vehicles, have a better access to debt, and have a lower probability of facing financial strain. The results suggest that promoting financial inclusion for low-income populations can improve household wealth accumulation and financial security.We find that an exogenous expansion of bank branches increases low-income household financial inclusion. Relative to their unbanked counterparts, banked households accumulate assets in interest-bearing accounts, invest more in durable assets, such as vehicles, have a better access to debt, and have a lower probability of facing financial strain.
Dupas, Pascaline, et al. “Banking the unbanked? Evidence from three countries.” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 10.2 (2018): 257-97.
Abstract
We experimentally test the impact of expanding access to basic bank accounts in Uganda, Malawi, and Chile. Over two years, 17, 10, and 3 percent of treatment individuals made five or more deposits, respectively. Average monthly deposits in treatment accounts were sizable among users, corresponding to the seventy-ninth, ninety-first, and ninety-sixth percentiles of baseline savings. Survey data show no discernible intention-to-treat effects on savings or any downstream outcomes, though we cannot reject large effect sizes for active users. Results suggest that policies merely focused on expanding access to basic accounts are unlikely to improve welfare noticeably on average.We experimentally test the impact of expanding access to basic bank accounts in Uganda, Malawi, and Chile. Average monthly deposits in treatment accounts were sizable among users. Results suggest that policies merely focused on expanding access to basic accounts are unlikely to improve welfare noticeably on average.
Dupas, Pascaline, and Jonathan Robinson. “Savings constraints and microenterprise development: Evidence from a field experiment in Kenya.” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 5.1 (2013): 163-92.
Abstract
Does limited access to formal savings services impede business growth in poor countries? To shed light on this question, we randomized access to non-interest-bearing bank accounts among two types of self-employed individuals in rural Kenya: market vendors (who are mostly women) and men working as bicycle taxi drivers. Despite large withdrawal fees, a substantial share of market women used the accounts, were able to save more, and increased their productive investment and private expenditures. We see no impact for bicycle taxi drivers. These results imply significant barriers to savings and investment for market women in our study context.Randomized access to non-interest-bearing bank accounts among two types of self-employed individuals in rural Kenya: market vendors (who are mostly women) and men working as bicycle taxi drivers. Despite large withdrawal fees, a substantial share of market women used the accounts, were able to save more, and increased their productive investment and private expenditures. We see no impact for bicycle taxi drivers. Significant barriers to savings and investment for market women.
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Jack, William, and Tavneet Suri, 2014, Risk sharing and transactions costs: Evidence from Kenya’s mobile money revolution, American Economic Review 104, 183–223. ↩︎
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Callen, Michael, Suresh De Mel, Craig McIntosh, and Christopher Woodruff, 2019, What are the headwaters of formal savings? Experimental evidence from Sri Lanka, Review of Economic Studies 86, 2491–2529. ↩︎